ABSTRACT

Scholars have demonstrated how (neo)colonialism has produced durable North-South hierarchies in knowledge production about crime and punishment. Yet, most of these studies emphasize the epistemic “weight of empire” in ways that obscure the relational dynamics under which local bureaucrats domesticate imperial policy experiments at the margins of postcolonial cities. By taking the case of the Tactical System of Crime Analysis (STAD) in Santiago, Chile, this article explores how and why police officers and data analysts respond to “colonial situations” behind predictive policing as they navigate its underlying “broken windows” philosophy demanded by bank lenders and reinforced by US advisors. Drawing upon ethnographic observations within a Comisaria in Santiago, I argue that police officers and professionals negotiate the (neo)colonial conditions of policing through ambivalent morality —a set of hybrid discourses concerning individual choices that allows officers to inflict the criminal stigma upon the poor and assign responsibility for crime. Officers and data analysts interpret US “broken windows” philosophy through fragmented scripts and counterscripts that both reinforce and decenter poverty and personal choices as the primary sources of crime. Drawing upon these narratives, these agents define who is a criminal, what crimes deserve to be suppressed, and under what conditions somebody could legitimately break the law. This study not only shows how police officers and professionals redefine policing in moral terms but also illustrates the simultaneous attraction to and denial of neocolonial power while disclosing the symbolic mechanisms (i.e., scripts and counterscripts) under which this hybridity disrupts a simplistic replication of US “broken windows” discourse at the margins of Santiago.

ABSTRACT

People with higher education hold more positive attitudes towards immigrants than those without. Previous studies have attempted to net out selection mechanisms to examine whether there is a causal effect of higher education on attitudes towards immigrants. However, parental higher education has been largely neglected as a likely source of this selection. Using UKHLS data on individuals and their parents for the UK and employing the khb decomposition model, we examine if and why parental education influences attitudes towards immigrants. First, we show that, net of individual educational attainment, individuals whose parents have a university degree are more likely to have more positive attitudes towards immigrants. More highly educated people have more positive attitudes, but parental education reinforces this association or compensates for low educational attainment. Second, we illustrate that the relationship between parental higher education and attitudes towards immigrants is mediated by two mechanisms: parental socialisation and individual education. In contrast, socio-economic positioning while growing up makes a negligible contribution. Our findings suggest that formative years are crucial for the development of attitudes towards immigrants later in life and that educational inequalities of today affect the attitudes towards immigrants of tomorrow.

ABSTRACT

Due to their geographical dispersion, many families face challenges in exchanging support over long distances. While family theories emphasise the importance of a systemic approach to family relationships, reciprocity—a core feature of these relationships—is still predominantly studied within specific dyads, such as the parent-child relationship, rather than within the broader family network and its spatial context. This study addresses this gap by examining whether family members reciprocally exchange material and emotional support, and how these exchanges relate to spatial characteristics at three levels: the individual (past migration, degree of urbanisation), the dyadic tie (physical distance between members) and the network (spatial dispersion). Using a national sample of 549 adults living in Switzerland, who named important family members and identified available support, we apply a multilevel network approach. Results show that only reciprocity in material support declines with residential distance when controlling for both in-person and remote contact. Moreover, reciprocity is more likely in large, tightly-knit families, and—specifically for emotional support—in spatially dispersed ones. This last finding suggests that reciprocating emotional support is a key mechanism through which families maintain long-distance relationships. Another takeaway is that cultivating mutually supportive ties must be understood not only through dyadic distance and contact between individual members, but in relation to the spatial and network context of the family as a whole.

ABSTRACT

The link between educational attainment and attitudes towards out-groups stands out as one of the most consistent statistical associations in the social and political sciences. However, a recent analysis of survey data from the United States finds that the relationship between higher education and out-group prejudice depends on the content of education. In this Research Note, we replicate that study's analysis of tertiary-level academic majors within a European context and extend it to include academic specializations below the tertiary level. Our analyses of European Social Survey (ESS) data, spanning 32 countries and over 120,000 respondents, reveal substantial variation in the association between field of study and anti-immigrant prejudice. Specifically, we find that individuals with degrees in arts, humanities, and social sciences express more positive views towards immigrants than those with degrees in other fields. A similar, though less pronounced, pattern emerges among individuals with lower levels of educational attainment. These findings challenge simplistic and politicized notions of the impact of higher education, offering a more nuanced understanding of educational attainment and its so-called “liberalizing effect.”

ABSTRACT

In this research note, we map the power elite in Greenland, amidst the current geopolitical interest in the nation. Using social network analysis, we identify a power elite of 123 individuals as the central circle in an extensive affiliation network data on 3412 positions held by a total 2052 individuals in 456 affiliations. We find an integrated and cohesive power elite dominated by actors from politics and public and private enterprises. When comparing this central circle to the previous studies of power elites in the former colonial power and current sovereign, Denmark, the political sector and the state are stronger in Greenland at the expense of the private sector. However, while the elite is integrated, we also identify potentials of fracturing. Thus we find a division between politicians—who are more likely to have childhood and educational ties to Greenland—and other elite groups—in particular private business—who are more likely to have academic degrees, be male and live in the Capital, Nuuk. The network of the elite is also clearly clustered around the strength of affiliation with Greenlandic society. We conclude by discussing how the potential fracturing of the Greenlandic elite along ethnic division lines may lead to a lack of cohesion and legitimacy entering the current geopolitical tensions surrounding the world's largest island.

The British Journal of Sociology, Volume 76, Issue 5, Page 951-952, December 2025.

The British Journal of Sociology, Volume 76, Issue 5, Page 1214-1215, December 2025.

ABSTRACT

Childcare benefits are an important policy instrument to increase the use of formal childcare and often women's participation in the labour market. However, lower-educated parents continue to make less use of childcare benefits and subsequently less use of formal childcare services. We argue that lower-educated parents are potentially less knowledgeable about childcare benefit regulations, a knowledge gap that may be explained by educational differences in access to childcare benefit information through parents' social networks. Analysing a representative sample of parents in the Netherlands, we find that lower-educated parents indeed have less knowledge about childcare benefits than more educated parents. We also find that while there are no educational differences in access to strong ties (e.g., family and friends) and weak ties (e.g., acquaintances and neighbours) as sources of information, lower-educated parents benefit more from weak ties for knowledge acquisition than intermediate and higher educated parents. We discuss our findings in light of the current debate on the relevance of systemic knowledge about welfare state services for reducing societal inequalities.

ABSTRACT

A significant body of literature highlights the fluid and adaptable nature of racial categories in Latin America, often invoking the concept of ‘whitening’ to explain how upwardly mobile individuals reshape their racial or ethnic identities by adopting cultural and social traits associated with class privilege and ‘whiteness’. This study builds on these discussions. Drawing on 42 interviews, it examines the racial imprints of class mobility within Lima's dominant class, focussing particularly on ‘Mestizos’ in the sample. I show that upward mobility has distinct racialised effects for this group, especially when contrasted with the experiences of their ‘Afro-Peruvian’ counterparts. Whereas for the latter, upward social mobility engenders little change to their racial status, for ‘Mestizos’, it involves shedding the stigmatised racial label ‘Cholo’. Rather than achieving a symbolically higher racial status, for ‘Mestizos’ mobility prompts a process I term ‘decolouring’, characterised by distancing from racial stigma and navigating a heightened sense of racial ambiguity.

ABSTRACT

Studies consistently find family background differences in educational attainment, with parental education being an important factor in families' educational decision-making processes. Alongside parents’ own resources and accomplishments, research has shown that both immaterial and material resources from extrafamilial connections, such as extended family members, are positively associated with children's educational attainment and may compensate for a lack of resources within the immediate family. In this study, we examine the compensatory role of parental workplace ties in shaping children's educational choices. Using full population register data from Finland, we find that children from lower-educated families are more likely to enrol in higher education if they have a parent working among highly educated colleagues. We discuss the importance of diverse environments for educational mobility and aim to shed new light on the role of weak ties in educational decision-making.

ABSTRACT

Elites are increasingly visible in academic and political discourse owing to their disproportionate power in shaping policy. For the most part, however, elites have been viewed in race-blind terms. In this paper, we advance a racialized perspective on elite studies by highlighting three salient ways that race matters for elite views on inequality and redistribution. First, we focus on elites as racialized actors whose racial identities impact their perspectives on social policies. Second, we examine the effect of holding a historical perspective of racialized inequality on elites' redistributive preferences. Third, we highlight the importance of attending to the racialization of social policies, distinguishing between redistributive measures framed in race-neutral and race-conscious terms. We demonstrate the utility of a racialized approach to elite studies by analyzing survey data collected from political, economic, and civil service elites in South Africa. Findings show that elites' racialized identities shape their redistributive preferences, as do their historical understandings of racialized inequality, but these effects vary depending on whether elites are evaluating race-conscious or race-neutral policies.

ABSTRACT

In the past decade, scholars of international migration have made remarkable strides in unpacking the complex infrastructures that channel cross-border mobility by investigating the operation of profit-oriented migration industries and the regulatory tussles of multilevel migration governance. However, little work has combined the insights of both to reveal how they interact to facilitate or inhibit the growth of particular migration regimes. This article integrates the two strands by reconceptualizing them as part of the same global field, which offers resources for exploring how the struggle for profit intersects with competitions over regulatory capital. It clarifies these dynamics through a case study of the sale of citizenship to wealthy individuals. Focusing first on the involvement of regulatory capital in the competition around economic capital, it shows how and with what outcomes countries and firms cooperate or compete in the system, leading to program resilience or risks. Then turning to the involvement of economic capital in competitions leveraging regulatory capital, it reveals how global powers can influence the citizenship policies of other countries and how third powers dominate in different ways, impacting program growth and profitability. The upshot offers greater traction for examining the limits of state sovereignty and reveals how migration regimes are produced within uneven global playing fields structured by fundamental doxa.

ABSTRACT

Whether students educated in different ability tracks in secondary education develop different levels of civic and democratic engagement is yet unclear. To explore this issue, we focus on how schools bring students of different tracks and family backgrounds together, and whether such between-school differences are associated with varying growth rates in civic and democratic engagement during secondary education. Using newly collected 4-year panel data starting at the very beginning of the Dutch tracked educational system, the Dutch Adolescent Panel on Democratic Values (DAPDV), we study developments in institutional trust, societal interest, voting intention, and political knowledge. Growth curve models show that much of the variation between tracks and between schools is rather stable, although track differences in institutional trust became more pronounced. Although schools that are more compositionally diverse vary from homogeneous schools, track differences are largely present already at the start of secondary education. Within-individual transition models show that students moving up to more advanced tracks do gain in political knowledge.

ABSTRACT

This article advances the study of racial extremism by analyzing how its practices of violence and sexuality are marked on the bodies of participants in the form of scars, physical stances, abuse, tattoos, pregnancy, injury, strength and size, using an extraordinarily rich and extensive set of narratives collected from lengthy in-person interviews with 47 former members of U.S. extremist white supremacist groups. It asks how embodied practices of violence and sexuality enable extremist white supremacist groups and actors, how embodied practices of violence and sexuality disable these groups and actors, and how gender matters in embodied practices in these groups. As a lens into embodied practices of violence, interview narratives about participants' preparation and deployment of their bodies in violent situations are analyzed, with attention to the gendered nature of these processes. Similarly, interviewees' narratives about their racialization of sexuality and sexual transactions are analyzed to understand embodied practices of sexuality and their gendered aspects. The embodiment of racist violence is found to be important in making racial extremism a visceral aspect of the lives of its adherents. This is highly gendered, as women and men use and experience violence in different ways. The embodiment of racist sexuality is found to be an iterative process of assessing one's sexuality and the value of one's sexual body to others, a process that serves as a portal to women's victimization while allowing some women to gain access and influence in a highly misogynistic world.

ABSTRACT

Past studies have yielded important findings on the stratification and consequences of parenting, but it remains inconclusive how the stratification of parenting changes as children grow and how parenting at different developmental stages creates cumulative advantages for children. To examine these questions, this paper analyzes data from the 2010 to 2018 China Family Panel Study, drawing on a sample of N = 1129 children. It employs Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA), linear regression, and the Regression-with-Residuals (RWR) method to investigate the patterns, determinants, and consequences of parenting in China. This research yields several novel and important findings. First, CFA results indicate the presence of a latent construct underlying all dimensions of parenting, suggesting a pattern of concerted cultivation. Second, after controlling for family finances and structural factors, parental education robustly predicts all dimensions of parenting, highlighting a pattern of cultural capital stratification. Third, the strength of educational stratification in parenting decreases with age, supporting an age-as-leveler perspective in understanding the stratification of parenting. Fourth, RWR analyses reveal that Chinese concerted cultivation in childhood and early adolescence generates cumulative—though declining—advantages in children's cognitive abilities. This paper extends cross-cultural perspectives on the cultural capital theory of parenting, introduces an age-as-leveler perspective on the stratification of parenting, and highlights the cumulative function of parenting in social reproduction.

ABSTRACT

In recent decades, non-voting among the British working class has increased substantially, contributing to widening class-based inequality in electoral participation. This study examines the impact of occupational class mobility on the intergenerational transmission of electoral participation in two ways. First, by applying Diagonal Reference Models to data from the British Household Panel Survey and the UK Household Longitudinal Study covering eight General Elections. Through this, we estimate the impact of mobility on the relative influence of class of origin and class of destination. Second, by examining patterns of non-voting during the early years of adulthood in order to estimate the degree to which class patterns of non-voting among occupationally mature adults reflect processes of prior self-selection, rather than the pattern of non-voting associated with occupational class of destination. The findings indicate that upwardly mobile individuals are more likely to vote, but only after they have experienced occupational mobility into the middle class, thus suggesting a process of acculturation into the class of destination that diminishes the influence of their class origins. Conversely, individuals who are downwardly mobile from the middle class are less likely to vote. However, this lower level of participation is already apparent earlier in life, before they experience adult occupational mobility. This suggests a pre-existing pattern indicative of selection effects. These dynamics, in the context of balanced patterns of upward and downward mobility, reinforce class inequalities in electoral participation and suggest that relative differences in turnout between social classes are likely to remain stable or even widen.

ABSTRACT

This paper uses Bourdieu's concepts of cultural and social capital to critically examine death administration in the UK. Death administration relates to a set of tasks that bereaved individuals (usually a family member) must complete when someone dies-such as probate, asset management and funeral planning. It is a hidden form of administration which is complex, contradictory and often challenging to complete. Drawing on data from qualitative research, the paper shows how death administration is a relational activity which requires people to draw upon and transmit different forms of cultural capital (embodied, objectified and institutional) across life and death. Such capital is strongly mediated by family, and by a bereaved individual's ability to mobilise a wider set of social networks and resources. The article concludes by highlighting the ways in which the overall volume of capital bereaved individuals possess affects their ability to successfully navigate death administration. By bringing Bourdieu's theory of cultural and social capital together in a new empirical area, and by illuminating capital transmission across the boundaries of life and death, the paper offers an original conceptual contribution. By analysing new empirical data on death administration, the paper also extends the substantive focus of research on death and dying.

The British Journal of Sociology, Volume 76, Issue 5, Page 1212-1213, December 2025.

ABSTRACT

This article examines civil society organisations working to enhance social mobility in England, especially through higher education. Against the backdrop of neoliberal governance, we investigate whether these organisations operate as protective counter-movements resisting marketisation or as institutional mechanisms that stabilise the inequalities they aim to address. Drawing on Karl Polanyi's concept of the ‘double movement’ and Nancy Fraser's critique of marketised social protections, we map and analyse over 100 charities and non-profits established since 1992. We combined qualitative coding of organisational websites across nine Fraserian dimensions with Latent Profile Analysis to identify structural patterns within the field. Findings reveal that most organisations balance critical framings of inequality with funder-compatible, technocratic delivery models. We argue this structural ambivalence is a defining feature of civil society under neoliberalism and show how the social mobility industry operates to suggest symbolic reform without redistributive transformation. Our contribution is threefold: we provide the first systematic typology of the UK's social mobility sector, extend Polanyi and Fraser's theoretical frameworks into social mobility and education policy, and offer a methodological model combining qualitative and quantitative methods with AI-assisted research.

ABSTRACT

This article contributes to sociological scholarship on climate change by examining the development of the voluntary carbon offset market in Finland. While intended to address the collective challenge of climate change, voluntary carbon offsetting has faced criticism for commodifying emissions and shifting responsibility to specific actors. Enabled by voluntary carbon markets, emissions and climate impacts are attributed to companies and individuals, reflecting the idea that each entity possesses its ‘own’ emissions that they can choose to offset. However, this attribution does not happen on its own. The present study thus examines how the collective problem of acting on climate change is coordinated through particular moral engagements. We focus on the socio-legal formatting of the voluntary carbon offset market in the context of Finland, a Nordic welfare state. We trace the trajectory of Compensate, a key Finnish offset provider whose activities sparked public controversy and led to criminal charges for violating the country's Money Collection Act as well as a legislative reform aimed at formalising voluntary offsets. The controversy centred on the nature of voluntary offsets and whether to consider them to be generally beneficial climate actions or self-interested activities. Based on the theory of the sociology of engagements, our analysis shows how actors engage in moral and political coordination in order to foster and sustain engagements with climate change. More broadly, our case demonstrates that producing and facilitating engagement with climate change through a voluntary market is not merely a matter of implementing effective instruments and arrangements—leading ultimately to the individualisation of climate action—but a result of complex moral and socio-legal formations. We conclude that the formatting of particularised climate engagements is a collectively produced process that necessitates an analysis of the shared moral coordination involved.